The origins of the Qumran sect are thought by some to be in the communities of the Hasidim, the pious anti-Hellenistic circles formed in the early days of the Maccabees. The Hasidim may have been the precursors of the Essenes, who were concerned about growing Hellenisation and strove to abide by the Torah

Archaeological and historical evidence indicates that Qumran was founded in the second half of the second century BCE, during the time of the Maccabean dynasty. A hiatus in the occupation of the site is linked to evidence of a huge earthquake. Qumran was abandoned at about the time of the Roman incursion of 68 CE, two years before the collapse of Jewish self-government in Judea and the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE.

The chief sources of information for the history of this fateful timespan are the Qumran scrolls and the excavations, but earlier information on the Essenes was provided by their contemporaries: Josephus Flavius, Philo of Alexandria and Pliny the Elder. Their accounts are continuously being borne out by the site excavations and study of the writings.

The historian Josephus relates the division of the Jews of the Second Temple period into three orders: the Sadducees, the Pharisees and the Essenes. The Sadducees included mainly the priestly and aristocratic families, the Pharisees constituted the lay circles, and the Essenes were a separatist group, part of which formed an ascetic monastic community that retreated to the wilderness. The exact political and religious affinities of each of these groups, as well as their development and interrelationships, are still relatively obscure and are the source of widely disparate scholarly views.

The crisis that brought about the secession of the Essenes from mainstream Judaism is thought to have occurred when the Maccabean ruling princes, Jonathan (160–142 BCE) and Simeon (142–134 BCE), usurped the office of high priest (which included secular duties), much to the consternation of conservative Jews; some of them could not tolerate the situation and denounced the new rulers. The persecution of the Essenes and their leader, the “Teacher of Righteousness”, probably elicited the sect’s apocalyptic visions. These included the overthrow of the “Wicked Priest” of Jerusalem and of the evil people and, in the dawn of the Messianic Age, the recognition of their community as the true Israel. The retreat of these Jews into the desert would enable them “to separate themselves from the congregation of perverse men” (Community Rule 5: 2).

A significant feature of the Essene sect is its calendar, which was based on a solar system of 364 days, unlike the common Jewish calendar which was lunar and consisted of 354 days. It is not clear how the sectarian calendar was reconciled, as was the normative Jewish calendar, with the astronomical time system (see Calendrical Document, catalogue 10). The sectarian calendar was always reckoned from a Wednesday, the day on which God created the luminaries. The year consisted of 52 weeks, divided into four seasons of 13 weeks each, and the festivals consistently fell on the same days of the week. A similar solar system was long familiar from pseudepigraphic works. The sectarian calendar played a weighty role in the schism of the community from the rest of Judaism, as the festivals and fast days of the sect were ordinary workdays for the mainstream community, and vice versa. The author of the Book of Jubilees accuses the followers of the lunar calendar of turning secular “days of impurity” into “festivals and holy days” (Jubilees 6: 36-37).

The Essenes persisted in a separatist existence through two centuries, occupying themselves with study and a communal way of life that included worship, prayer and work. It is clear, however, that large groups of adherents also lived in towns and villages outside the Qumran area.

The word “Essene” is never distinctly mentioned in the scrolls. How, then, can we attribute either the writings or the sites of the Judaean Desert to the Essenes? The argument in favour of this ascription is supported by the tripartite division of Judaism referred to in Qumran writings (for example, in the Nahum Commentary), into Ephraim, Menasseh and Judah, corresponding to the Pharisees, the Sadducees and the Essenes. As the Essenes refer to themselves in the scrolls as Judah, it is clear who they regarded themselves to be. Moreover, their religious concepts and beliefs as attested in the scrolls conform to those recorded in contemporary writings and stand in sharp contrast to those of the other known Jewish groups.

In most cases, the principles of the Essene way of life and beliefs are described by contemporaneous writers in language similar to the descriptions found in the scrolls. Customs described in ancient sources as Essene – such as the probationary period for new members, the strict hierarchy practised in the organisation of the sect, their frequent ablutions, communal meals – are echoed in the scrolls. Finally, the location of the sect is assigned to the Dead Sea area by the Roman historian, Pliny the Elder

Although this evidence is accepted by the majority of scholars in identifying the Essenes with the Qumran settlement and the manuscripts found in the surrounding caves, some scholars remain unconvinced. Some propose that the site was a military garrison or even a winter villa. The scrolls are viewed as an eclectic collection, neither necessarily inscribed in the Dead Sea area nor sectarian in nature, perhaps even the remains of the library of the Temple in Jerusalem. Other scholars view the texts as the writings of forerunners or even followers of Jesus – Jewish Christians – who still observed Jewish law.

Ancient sources provide us with diverging reports regarding the living environment of the Essene communities: Philo stated that they lived in small villages, Josephus wrote that they were scattered in various settlements, whereas Pliny referred to a separate Essene settlement located near the Dead Sea.

The central structures at the site of Qumran could have functioned as a centre for the activities of a community during the day. However, only a small number of individuals could have lived there. Due to finds in the vicinity of the site, it has been surmised by many that most of the community members lived in neighbouring caves, tents and huts which were linked to the site by a network of paths.

It is feasible that the isolated location of the Dead Sea would lure such a group as the Essenes, as it represented an eschatological paradise, an abode of purity and a haven where they could cut themselves off from the impure. Only at the End of Days would they return from the desert, “to camp in the Desert of Jerusalem” (War Rule 1: 2–3) and wrest Jerusalem from the hands of the wicked. A sectarian’s day began before dawn with the recitation of prayers, hymns and benedictions. Phylacteries found in the excavations (see catalogue 12) give reason to assume that these were worn during prayers. Meals were communal and probably accompanied by blessings – “They shall eat in common and bless in common and deliberate in common” (Community Rule 6: 2–3) – outlining a life reminiscent of a monastic community.

Hardly any mention is made either by historians or in the sect’s writings of the daily occupations and livelihood of the inhabitants. It is obvious, however, that such a group would have functioned as a self-sufficient unit. True evidence of agriculture comes from the site of Ein Feshkha, a mere three kilometres away. Remains of date pits and palm fronds were found at both sites, as well as in the caves. Recent excavations have also revealed the production of date honey.

Sheep and cattle were raised in the area, as evidenced by the wealth of parchment found, both used and unused. This indicates tannery activity, which can probably be linked to the pools and channels uncovered at the site. Pieces of linen and wool, sheep shears, spindle whirls, mats and baskets are all evidence of the production of textiles and weaves. A potters’ workshop, including a kiln, substantiates the assumption that pottery was produced at the site. Scribal work could have occupied a number of Qumranites, as well – the inkwells recovered are proof of local scribal activity.

No doubt a certain measure of market economy was locally practised; the large number of coins recovered could represent wages received for work outside the community. Within the community, a communal ownership of property and means was, no doubt, the rule: “But when the second year has passed, he shall be examined, and if it be his destiny, according to the judgment of the Congregation, to enter the community, then he shall be inscribed among his brethren in the order of his rank for the Law, and for justice, and for the pure Meal; his property shall be merged and he shall offer his counsel and judgment to the Community” Community Rule 6: 20–23).